Borjana Krišto

Following Nenad Nešić's resignation in January 2025, Krišto initially nominated Goran Selak, who withdrew. A majority in the House then requested that she nominate opposition figure Nebojša Vukanović. Krišto refused, considering the initiative non-binding and stating that she would not nominate anyone without a political agreement. The High Representative's 2025 report noted that the House had found during an emergency session that she had violated the Law on the Council of Ministers by failing to propose a new candidate. In September 2026, the ministry's website still showed Deputy Minister Ivica Bošnjak de facto carrying out the ministry's public duties.

State of the evidence

Established

Attribution

direct — the law entrusts the Council Chair with proposing the minister, subject to subsequent parliamentary confirmation

Public broadcaster BHRT warned of a risk of financial collapse. Reuters reported approximately 102 million KM owed to BHRT by RTRS and some 700 jobs at risk. Krišto stated that no consensus existed within the Council of Ministers on a lasting solution.

State of the evidence

Documented

Attribution

shared government responsibility — longstanding crisis involving BHRT, RTRS, Parliament and several levels of government

In 2026, Krišto actively supported the South Gas Interconnection with Croatia and a model involving AAFS Infrastructure & Energy as investor/operator. The shift from a project led by public company BH-Gas to a newly created private US investor prompted criticism over the lack of competitive tender, ownership transparency, European competition and certification rules, and management of strategic infrastructure. Contractual discussions were still ongoing in August and September 2026.

State of the evidence

Documented

Attribution

direct political responsibility — Krišto publicly supports the project; formal decisions on the concessionaire and legal framework also lie with the Federation government and Parliament

In 2026, the European Commission warned that changes to the HJPC regulations governing checks of asset declarations could weaken the independence of external experts and jeopardise European financial support. A letter was addressed to Krišto and Justice Minister Davor Bunoza, among others. Detektor subsequently noted the absence of a public response from their institutions to its requests for explanation.

State of the evidence

Documented

Attribution

low to moderate — the contested regulations fall directly under HJPC responsibility; Krišto is an institutional recipient of the European warning

Krišto's government was formed rapidly in early 2023 around HDZ BiH, SNSD and the Trojka parties. Cooperation initially enabled several EU-related reforms, before deteriorating sharply in 2024-2025 amid institutional crises linked to SNSD and Milorad Dodik, blocked appointments and reduced legislative output.

State of the evidence

Established

Legal status — source text

Not applicable

Attribution

shared government responsibility — Krišto heads the Council of Ministers but does not independently control coalition parties

Following the Chamber judgment in Kovačević v. Bosnia and Herzegovina, acting state agents requested referral to the Grand Chamber. On 24 October 2023, Krišto wrote to Strasbourg confirming that they had full capacity and all necessary powers, including to request referral. Council members including Zukan Helez challenged her authority to decide alone on an issue not collectively determined. The Grand Chamber subsequently expressly examined this objection and found that the agents had retained their status as representatives and authority to request referral; it ultimately declared the application inadmissible in June 2025.

State of the evidence

Established

Attribution

direct — Krišto's personal letter as Chair of the Council of Ministers; validity of state representation ultimately recognised by ECtHR

Bosnia and Herzegovina was late submitting its Reform Agenda under the EU Growth Plan for the Western Balkans. In July 2025, Krišto publicly acknowledged that the authorities bore responsibility for failing to finalise the document. The reform agenda was ultimately submitted in September 2025, but the European Commission reduced the country's indicative allocation by 10% because of the delay.

State of the evidence

Established

Attribution

shared responsibility between Council of Ministers, entities and cantons; Krišto acknowledges a share of institutional responsibility

Despite institutional deadlocks and criticism, Krišto's government secured adoption of several measures relating to European priorities. In March 2024, the European Council decided to open accession negotiations with Bosnia and Herzegovina. A 2024-2028 anti-corruption strategy was also adopted.

State of the evidence

Established

Attribution

corrective — favourable government outcome under Krišto's chairmanship

A CIN investigation into public institutions' representation expenses examined 7.14 million KM in expenditure and identified over 160,000 KM in invoices or supporting documents lacking sufficient detail signed by numerous officials, including Krišto and Tegeltija. The investigation also found a significant share of alcohol expenditure in the sample examined.

State of the evidence

Documented

Attribution

direct responsibility limited to expenditure she personally authorised; aggregate amounts not wholly attributable to Krišto

The Council of Ministers distributed approximately 3.8 million KM to 118 organisations from budget reserves. CIN identified the lack of a public call and sufficiently verifiable criteria, as well as transparency problems. The case concerns collective decisions of the Council chaired by Krišto.

State of the evidence

Documented

Attribution

high collective responsibility of the Council of Ministers; no evidence of personal benefit to Krišto

Across several electoral cycles, Krišto defended the principle that the Croatian member of the Presidency and Croatian representatives should reflect the political will of Croatian voters. This position, directed notably against the repeated election of Željko Komšić, pitted the constituent peoples model advocated by HDZ/HNS against a more civic interpretation of representation. Krišto stood as a Croatian candidate for the Presidency in 2010 and again in 2022, when she lost to Komšić.

State of the evidence

Documented

Attribution

direct — longstanding personal and party political position advanced by Krišto

In 2020, Krišto chaired the committee responsible for selecting and appointing Central Election Commission (CEC/CIK) members. After the House of Representatives directly appointed several members amid procedural delays and political conflict, Krišto and the HDZ described the appointments as illegal and subsequently challenged the CEC's legitimacy. The Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina ultimately rejected the challenges: in April and again in August 2022, it confirmed that the House had acted within its powers and in accordance with electoral law.

State of the evidence

Established

Attribution

direct — chair of the selection committee and subsequently political figure challenging appointments

At a meeting of the parliamentary conflicts of interest commission examining, among other matters, Dragan Čović's case, the absence of Borjana Krišto and Bariša Čolak contributed to the lack of a quorum. Proceedings against Čović subsequently continued and resulted in a limited financial penalty in March 2021.

State of the evidence

Documented

Attribution

institutional — documented absence contributing to lack of quorum; intent to obstruct not established

In 2008 and again in 2011, the HJPC/VSTV challenged Borjana Krišto's attempts to appoint Andrija Kolak as a Croatian judge of the Federation Constitutional Court when he was not on the HJPC's proposed candidate list. In February 2009, High Representative Miroslav Lajčák issued an interpretation requiring the President to select from candidates proposed by the HJPC. In February 2011, the HJPC again maintained that the appointment decision did not comply with the constitutional framework; Krišto subsequently annulled her decision after Kolak withdrew.

State of the evidence

Established

Attribution

direct — Krišto advanced the appointment proposals as Federation President

During her Federation presidency, Krišto granted or supported several pardons and commutations involving individuals convicted, among other offences, of abuse of office, including public officials. In October 2010, she pardoned the remainder of former HDZ official Josip Merdžo's sentence for abuse of office. These decisions fuelled controversy over the political use of the pardon power.

State of the evidence

Established

Attribution

direct — pardon decisions falling within her responsibilities as Federation President

Role of the person profiled

Protagonist not prosecuted